Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique French Journal of British Studies On 23 June 2016 Wales, like England, voted to leave the European Union, This vote may seem curious in the light of the fact that Wales has been the recipient of generous EU funding over the past forty years" /> Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique French Journal of British Studies On 23 June 2016 Wales, like England, voted to leave the European Union, This vote may seem curious in the light of the fact that Wales has been the recipient of generous EU funding over the past forty years" />

Resultat Pays De Galles Irlande Du Nord

IntroductionAnalysis du the geographical distribution of votesWhy did Wales vote Leave?

Media et political parties

Social factors

“Nothing venir lose”

A predictable resultConclusion"/>
revue Française aux Civilisation Britannique

français Journal of anglais Studies

On 23 célibataire 2016 Wales, choose England, voted to leave the European Union. This vote peut faire seem curious in the light of the truth that Wales has actually been auto recipient of generous eu funding over the past forty years. However, Welsh voters’ preference for année exit is probably explained passant par a number of determinants which to mark Wales’s distinctive profile, parce que le it resembles no Scotland nor northern Ireland. This reasons include political and social trends within Wales as well oui party politics et also faisabilité failures in communication. However, the Welsh voter was predictable.

Vous lisez ce: Resultat pays de galles irlande du nord

Tout comme l’Angleterre, ns 23 juin 2016 ns pays de Galles a vote en faveur ns sortie aux l’Union européenne. Or, jusquà première vue, cette choix serait difficile à comprendre car le pays du Galles a été destinataire, pendant plus du quarante ans, aux fonds en provenance ns l’UE. Cependant, un bien sur nombre de facteurs aurait influencé la décidé des Gallois. Parmi celles raisons conditions météorologiques peut nommé la spécificité identitaire aux pays, ainsi que le galet joué par différent formations politiques. On peut pointer également un bien sur déficit ns communication. Néanmoins, le conséquence gallois dalka prévisible.

1 Electoral outcomes from the Electoral Commission.

1Welsh voters, like personnes in Scotland, are now quite used à referendums ont the une held nous 23 juin 2016 on the united Kingdom’s continued membership of the European union was the fifth une to be held in thé country because 1975. That année the sapin ever UK-wide referendum was held conditions météorologiques 5 June and British voter were asked whether they wanted à stay in the European Community jaune if, after deux years" membership, lock wanted venir leave it. Nous that occasion, thé Yes voter in Wales at 65%1 was slightly reduced than thé UK personnage of 67%. Subsequently Welsh voters were called à vote nous 1 march 1979 nous the charrues government’s proposals for a devolution settlement. Over there was much less appetite in Wales for the proposed Welsh Assembly 보다 there was in Scotland for the Parliament as it was outlined at that time. Seul 20.3% voted yes (whereas in Scotland 58.9% vote in favour). Nothing came de this, no even pour Scotland, where thé result failed to achieve the 40% ns the electorate’s approval oui stipulated in auto Cunningham modification to auto 1978 Scotland Act. Eighteen years later Wales poll again conditions météorologiques 18 September 1997, a week after Scotland had voted hugely in favour of the establishment ns a Scottish conference (74.3%). In Wales the result was more muted – 50.2% du the electorate participated and 50.3% ns the voter cast were in favour of setting increase a Welsh Assembly. In 2011, Welsh voter faced deux referendums: on 3 March they were asked to pronounce on whether the Welsh assembly’s legislative powers should be extended, which they approved de 63.5% (turnout 35.6%); et on 5 May, they had actually their say nous the au lieu de, remplacer Vote referendum. Practically 68% du UK voters rejected a échanger in auto “First past auto Post” anglais voting system whereas in Wales (turnout 41.7%) this rejection was slightly less, at 65.5% of the votes. And then on 23 juin 2016 came the fifth referendum, the seconde vote conditions météorologiques membership of the europe Union. While thé overall result pour the UK (turnout 72.2%) was 51.9% who wished à leave auto EU, this illustration was slightly intensified in Wales (turnout 71.7%) where, overall, auto result to be 52.5 % in favour of quitting thé EU as opposed venir 47.5% that wished à stay. This an outcome contrasted through the est différent devolved territories, pour in Scotland 62% de voters to be in favour ns the eu membership et in northern Ireland this la honte was 56%. But contrasting jaune comparing Wales with the other devolved areas is no valid because ns regional taille to inequality, because du their distinct political histories and because du the asymmetrical nature of UK devolution. Just pour the sake ns clarity: Wales to represent 4.8% of the UK population (England 84%, Scotland 8.3% and Northern Ireland 2.9%).

2 Accessed 31 October 2016

2However, the diriger puzzle, as far as Wales is concerned, is why most Welsh voters voted to leave thé European syndicat when, due to the fact that 1973, auto country has received billions of euros in eu funding for infrastructure and economic re-generation. Wales was à receive €1.8 billion from the dérivation between 2014-20 with structural funding et various programmes. In enhancement to auto guaranteed dérivation funds pour Wales, supplements native other dériver funds are also available venir Wales. This include auto EU’s research and innovation fund, Horizon 2020, funds à la business et training, the ERASMUS programme, subsidies à la agriculture, fisheries amongst others and could be precious a total of £90bn.2

3We will first examine auto way the Welsh vote were dispersed across thé Principality before looking at the reasons the incited voters à favour auto "Leave" option. A short overview de the profile of "Brexiteers" will certainly be followed by a conclusion that summarises how the suffrage in Wales was in reality quite easy to predict.

Analysis of the geographical distribuer of voix

4In 1975 tous the regions in Wales poll in favour ns staying in the then Common marché whereas in 2016 17 ns the 22 areas voted venir leave. Thé geographical distribuer of these voter provides a clue oui to auto reasons behind auto vote. Cette has been reasonably widely agreed the across auto United Kingdom urban locations with mixed, multicultural populations and where there to be a concentration du educated personnes voted in favour de the EU and this is reflected in Wales. In Cardiff, the political and economic capital et home to several universities et in auto Vale ns Glamorgan, seulement to auto south, electors voted à remain, although the rapport were different. In Cardiff thé split to be quite vast (101,788 Remain; 67,816 Leave) vice versa, in thé Vale de Glamorgan ce was extremely narrow (36,681 /35,628). This would certainly then confirm the UK-wide trend just described. A third area, Monmouth, likewise voted narrowly à la Remain (28,061 / 27,569) cible the reasons below would not be thé same ont for Cardiff. Monmouth is situated conditions météorologiques the eastern border of Wales et it has actually a history of being attached to England oui well as to Wales, return its position was not lastly clarified till the local Government loi of 1972 which placed ce in Wales. Monmouth voters ont mostly constantly elected Conservative MPs and the existing Assembly Member (AM) is a Tory, haricot de soja Monmouth might be stated to ont more ns a split identity or less de a certainly Welsh one. Fausser with England and with auto Conservative party would partly contribute to explaining thé choice made de Monmouth voters. However, this is the very opposite emplacement to that de the other two areas in Wales i m sorry voted Remain: Gwynedd (35,517 / 25,665) is in north-west Wales et Ceredigion (21,711 / 18,031) extends from mid-Wales to the sea, between Cardigan and Aberystwyth. What these two regions have in common is that they oui the deux highest concentrations du Welsh speakers. Lock both return nationalist Plaid Cymru Assembly Members (AMs) to auto Welsh Assembly and have went back nationalist MPs to Westminster too. These deux areas ont a very solid Welsh identity, underpinned par the language, and their choice à remain in leurope  could perhaps be compared venir that de SNP pendant in Scotland who saw a brighter future for Scotland within Europe et who were no swayed by fears end immigration cible who did think that auto UK economy would not grow outside of the european structure. However, the sondage in Wales was not at tous influenced de desires à la independence, unlike in Scotland. While support for independence for Wales fell venir a meugler of seul 3% in September 2014 the 2016 referendum an outcome did provide this movement something ns a boost. A substantial minority, 28%, were discovered to oui announced support for Welsh independence si such a move should allow auto UK à stay in thé EU.3 also so, today, the question ns independence for Wales is not a principale factor in the policies de Plaid Cymru which campaigns rather more à la extended powers et greater devolution. Nevertheless, Leanne Wood, auto party leader, proclaimed after thé referendum that auto UK required redesigning and if tous four loger nations to be independent they can actually cooperate in a nouveau way. She reinforced auto idea that an independent Wales might rejoin the EU.4 Yet, this does no sound like a winning policy when the majority de Welsh voters expressed a desire venir leave …

5However these 5 regions to be in auto minority ont the est différent 17 areas voted à leave the eu and, in je vous demande pardon seemed venir be a paradox, thé greatest num of Leave votes were registered in auto very areas which oui received the most EU appui over the years. Substantial amounts of dériver subsidies in the direction of structural funding and social tasks (European local Development accumulation (ERDF) et European social Funds (ESF)),5 have been directed especially to thé south Wales Valleys between Newport and Swansea and these are thé areas the voted in regularly quite taille numbers to Leave: Blaenau Gwent, Bridgend, Caerphilly, Merthyr Tydfil, Neath harbeurs Talbot, Newport, Rhondda, Swansea et Torfaen. This areas, i m sorry used to be characterised par heavy industry and mining, ont been among auto hardest hit passant par the UK’s transition to a expertise based, post-industrial economy. Thé Leave voter was epitomised by the result in Ebbw Vale, constitue constituency du Aneurin Bevan and Michael Foot, where unemployment is end 40% et where 62% du those that took marche in the referendum voted Leave, the highest percent in Wales.6

6The reasonably widespread surprise at the “bizarrely self-defeating” result in Wales, to be expressed and partially defined in an article published in The Guardian nous 27 célibataire 2016, ”Why go Wales tournage itself in the foot in this referendum?”7 thé author, Richard Wyn Jones, is a professor at the Wales School ns Governance at auto University of Cardiff. Hey does not believe that auto result was tandis que to an old kind of self-loathing and a sense de inferiority which hey believes has died away. His historical reference to “the Welsh providing up nous Wales” relates back venir pre-devolution mindsets in Wales, avant the creation of auto Welsh Assembly in 1998 et before a growing confidence in a distinctive Welsh identity began à grow in thé wake of the failures du the 1979 referendum. Professor Jones pluriel the Welsh vote firstly in terms of a failure ns media coverage. Since the media in Wales room depleted et insufficient, unequal in Scotland – there is no intérieur Welsh newspaper for example back there room television et radio networks –, auto result is dominance by English media et very signification littérale difference was fabriquer in those newspapers et television programmes available in Wales about thé specificity ns Wales. The result was a similar referendum result à England. à this have the right to be added a avec certitude lassitude nous the part of both journalists and voters because the dériver referendum came just five main after the elections to thé Assembly nous 5 May. Ce is felt that covering these élection had commander to a feeling of political fatigue.

7However, lacklustre coverage du issues by the media is only one de the components that combined venir produce the Leave an outcome in Wales. Regarding the dériver referendum over there was likewise a failure de the diriger parties et the Welsh government pour in Wales lock were tous too distracted passant par internal politics venir fully communicate in auto Remain campaign, although toutes les personnes the parties, nous paper, were unified in urging a remain vote. Ne sont pas convincing discuter were made passant par either Plaid jaune Labour, i beg your pardon retained power in the Assembly choisir in May, to persuade Welsh voters of the benefits ns staying in auto European Union, nor passant par the Conservative party in Wales, whose leader campaigned à la Leave. The charrue party in specific must take responsibility pour the Welsh result. If at UK level the charrue party under the leadership du Jeremy Corbyn noted half-hearted et muted faire un don for dériver membership, within Wales, where charrue have dominated the Assembly since its inception, according venir R. W. Jones Labour et devolved politicians ont adopted a defensive and protective stance fairly than proactive policies: “politicians in Wales are better known for what they are versus – austerity, Tory cuts –rather than quel they room for”. So the referendum message was really indistinct, non-combative et not fine communicated.

8But had cette been clearer, more vigorous et better disseminated, would campaign messages to vote Remain ont been perceived differently par voters? thé answer is most likely “no” because divers factors played a far-reaching role in deciding comment people would usage their vote.

Social factors

9A report8 published de the Joseph Rowntree Foundation nous 31 respectable 2016 identified the link between poverty, meugler skills and lack ns opportunities and the vote à la Brexit. This poll, like numerous others, uncovered correlations in between age, level of education et ethnicity et the way people voted. Beforehand investigations before the suffrage revealed that regions with auto greatest économique dependence on the dérivation were more likely to sondage Leave and consequently thé results du the referendum showed this venir be true. The report concluded firstly that growing inequality in auto UK was an important variable in how people decided à vote and that

income et poverty do matter. Groups du voters who ont been driven to the margins ns our society, habitent on court incomes and lack auto skills that are required à adapt et prosper amid a post-industrial and global economy, were more likely 보다 others to endorse Brexit.

10Increasing marginalisation et the feeling du being left behind led people à reason that things might it is in better, jaune at the very least not any type of worse, si the UK to be to aller it alone, external Europe. This marginalisation is increased by geographical factors since those communities which feeling they room left behind room not the endroit where nouveau investment and new work are to be found. In the des boites of Wales, as elsewhere in the UK, auto closure of the charcoal mines et the steel lieu de travail in thé south has dirige to extensive unemployment and continued high rates de worklessness. So cette is difficult à compete for jobs with toutes les personnes in divers more favoured areas et who also oui the an abilities that are required because those locations are wherein employment will certainly be created.

11However, cette appears that the biggest divide is not geographical jaune income levels but rather auto educational level attained passant par voters. Soutien for brexit was found à be significantly higher par people with seul GCSE qualifications or less, and many polls discovered that there to be a correlation across the UK between the brexit vote et areas through high shares du people with ne sont pas education.9 over there is an acknowledged graduate écart in Wales, a mind drain de talent, ont Wales is a rapporter loser ns graduates every year, having lower retention prices than the est différent devolved nations in terms of both thé proportion of students who remain venir study, and the proportion ns graduates who subsequently volonté jobs within Wales. Leaving auto country is linked with meilleur jobs, higher earnings and higher rates of self-employment.10

12Regarding auto generation gap, Wales reflected UK-wide tendencies over the âge divide v younger voter opting venir Remain while older people tended to vote à la Brexit. However, while 67% de under-30s in Wales did voter to Remain, Wales seul ranked 8th out of 11 regions for under-30 faire un don for staying in the dériver thereby showing fairly Eurosceptic tendencies.11 Research carried out de the Wales académie of Social and Economic research study Data and Methods (WISERD) at Cardiff university revealed that jeune Welsh voter use société media much less than rather across the UK et potentially relied nous television and the press concède more visage to visage means pour gaining informations on thé referendum. This could well be explained par the patchy linternet service provided across Wales and the weak téléphone portable signals in numerous parts du the country. Cible this research likewise showed that even si on auto day young toutes les personnes had voted in thé same proportions as over 65s (the group with thé highest turnout), the final result de the referendum would not ont changed et the Leave vote would still oui prevailed in Wales and across the UK. So cette would seem that in explaining the choice made par Wales generational division does no in truth apply et neither does the ethnic factor.

13Analysis of the referendum vote across thé UK inevitably has to consider the collision of Black, Asian et minority country (BAME) voter which throughout England largely voted Remain but these groups of voters had no un tube on the Welsh result since 93.2% of the population is white british (95.6% du the population is white).

“Nothing venir lose”

12 “Week In, principale Out”, un barbecue 1 Wales, 21 July 2016. Accessed 31 October 2016.

14These academic findings, nous income, skills et level of education were borne the end in a bbc programme broadcast a month after the vote12when reporters travelled à Ebbw Vale venir find the end why in this area voters had actually rejected thé European Union soja massively (62%). Ont in many other places in thé UK, thé issues of migrants et controlling frère borders were raised cible again this pattern revealed that the areas de greatest immigrant concern were locations where there are the least num of migrants. Deprivation in auto Valleys was partially blamed nous migrants et Poles in specific who represented an ext competition parce que le jobs et who to be accused du working pour lower wages et for placing strain on local infrastructures, such as schools, housing et hospitals. But these seemed to be more of an identifiable target quite than an actual threat.

15When questioned around EU support that had actually brought des sports centres, nouveau roads and town centre renovation interviewees explained that none de this really fabriqué any difference à their lives, the they feeling like seconde class citizens in their own country et that they had nothing à lose. There is a lack ns recognition that dérivation funding has had actually any impact on their lives and there was no associer to sapin experiences nor to tangible travail creation. Travail disappearances are what affecter the area. à la example, the Ebbw Vale Steelworks was once the biggest steelworks in Europe. The Anglo- netherlands owners, Corus, closed cette in 2002 v a loss de 780 jobs; thé Ebbw Vale Steel, Iron et Coal Company, founded in 1780 et employing 34,000 personnes at auto turn du the 20th century, additionally closed in 2002, when ce was encore the largest tinplate producer in Britain. Leaving voters said in their la télé interviews the they felt “let down”. The paradox is symbolised passant par the Heads de the Valleys Road, thé A465, et the partie between Dowlais Top and Tredegar i beg your pardon was freshly redeveloped thanks venir ERDF money. Une interviewee remarked that it didn’t really offer his valley et villages since it was “a type bypass”, making cette easier à avoid auto area.

A predictable an outcome

16It is clear that there was or is a reality espacer between thé policies and pronouncements from conditions météorologiques high, quartier général authorities, whether they be the heads du political parties, thé Westminster government jaune the dériver chiefs in Brussels and the electors in auto polling booths but the result ns the referendum need to not ont been a surprendre in the UK13 et especially no in Wales since thé results de the general election nous 7 pouvez 201514 and the Welsh Assembly voter on 5 peut faire 201615 plainly indicted disaffection with thé Establishment et with the principale political parties. Firstly, in the general election, the britanique electoral system, known as “First past auto post” (FPTP), produced rather skewed results. Auto results of the aperçu election in auto UK created a victory à la the Conservative party which winner 331 seats v a majority of 12 in the house of Commons, and this was based nous having winner 36.9% (or 11,334,92) of all the voix cast. However the Scottish denchères Party moved right into third carré behind Labour passant par winning 56 seats on the strength ns 1,454,436 voix which to be 4.7% de votes cast that day. Meanwhile, 3,881,129 people voted pour the joined Kingdom freedom Party (UKIP). This stood for 12.6% of the votes marqué only analyzed into one seat. Oui early oui January 2013 David Cameron proposed to hold a referendum on dérivation membership and it is widely recognized that this was done in a bid to appease Tory voters that were defecting venir UKIP. In Wales the general election results saw UKIP make the biggest le revenu among the six leading parties and it recorded 13.6% du the suffrage although not sufficient in any kind of constituency à win an MP. However, virtually a année later in thé Welsh Assembly choisir UKIP fabriqué a gros bound front in recording 12.5% of the constituency votes, in the FPTP voter although again this go not translate into any kind of seats in thé Senedd. Yet, in auto regional sondage where the proportional representation technique applies pour the election of additional members in the Welsh Assembly, UKIP secured 7 seats spread out across auto five electoral regions with année average du 13.2% of the votes. This result is unique Welsh and is not reflected in results in any of the divers elected administer assemblies in thé UK.

17Traditionally Wales always used to be a charrue stronghold marqué the Welsh charrue party is shedding its appeal and is again to run a minority administration in Cardiff. The écart between politicians and those they stand for was qualified in Wales par the nature of the Remain project which was first overshadowed de wrangling in auto Assembly about auto post of first Minister which eventually went to Labour’s Carwyn Jones et then de the reality that over there was no credible or cohesive un message on thé part de Remainers. Plenty of leading Welsh politicians were on a different page to the voters in their areas including Carwyn Jones (Bridgend), Leanne Wood, head de Plaid (Rhondda) and Stephen Crabb, Conservative Secretary pour Wales (Pembrokeshire). Bizarrely, the same thing occurred in auto pro-Leave camp as the Conservative dirigeants Andrew rt Davies to be ignored (Vale of Glamorgan) prefer David Davies in Monmouth. Ont stated earlier, this is being seen in terms of are-ordering ns electoral politics in Wales express not only in terms de the absence of associer with auto political leadership but also in thé way toutes les personnes feel. Thé chasm in between voters et the political elite is reflect around the globe, oui proved de the faire un don for trompette in America, Syriza in Greece, Podemos in Spain, et so on. This cumulative déménageur would thus not seem à be just about the dérivation referendum cible more around disenfranchisement and exclusion. Et when auto opportunity came to vote in a referendum through a clean Yes/ no choice, personnes seized the chance to tell the self-appointed, remote elites quel they thought. Elections turnout in Wales at 71.7% was higher than it was pour general choice (65.6%) et the Welsh Assembly election (45.3%) proving that interest in the eu question was high, whatever thé reason.


18The truth that the UK’s various nations have voted in various ways contains thé makings of a constitution crisis. Ce is i can not qualify that thé devolution negotiations will it is in unpicked marqué the a venir of auto UK is uncertain, within the dérivation or outside, in terms de domestic governance. Over there is talk of reunification in Ireland just ont the imaginations of a “hard” frontière is additionally being invoked. In Scotland countless are currently agitating pour a lundi referendum nous independence in order to stay in thé European Union. For Wales, there might be possibility in that brocks maybe supplies a chanceux to negotiate et ask for more native Westminster in terms of funding et devolved powers. Auto Wales facture being disputed in the loger of Lords (end ns October 2016) is the chanceux to à faire just this et reframe thé relationship in between Cardiff Bay et Westminster with nouveau powers over energy, transport and elections, among others being devolved à Cardiff. However, ce is felt in countless quarters, amongst academics et politicians, the with thé fractures exposed par the dériver referendum, this amendment of the Government du Wales act 2006 is not a clear sufficient piece of legislation et is too full of complexities and contradictions. Thé crux de the issue was defined in the loger of Lords second reading of the bill on 10 October 2016 de Lord Morgan de Aberdovey

(…) cette would it is in very significativement to clear up all these issues avant we oui Brexit. Brexit will oui a major impact on Wales in practically every aspect: in agriculture, education, industry, et almost every feature you can think of. Ce is sérieuse to ont constitutional clarity within auto United Kingdom and between all its governmental institutions before the fer à repasser curtain comes down.16

19As a last word, 4 months after thé fatal voter in june 2016, an ITV Wales/Cardiff college YouGov poll17 uncovered Welsh voters would suffrage Remain by 53% and Leave par 47% if there to be a second dériver referendum, mirroring patterns seen across thé UK. Marqué the constitutional et political complexities of finding part way du over-turning or re-running auto vote, way that this Bregrets peut être not count parce que le much.

20Moya JONES is professor of british Studies at thé University du Bordeaux Montaigne, France. A graduate de the LSE, elle is the author du numerous articles et publications in French et English, focussing conditions météorologiques centres et peripheries: multicultural Britain and the new constitutional negotiations in thé United Kingdom. One of sa particular areas du interest is Wales et Welsh studies.

Chaney, Paul, Hall, Tom and Pithouse, Andrew (Eds), New administration - new Democracy?: Post-devolution Wales , (Cardiff, University of Wales Press, 2001).

Johnes, Martin, Wales since 1939, (Manchester, Manchester college Press, 2012).

Jones, Rhys et Fowler, Carwyn Placing thé Nation: Aberystwyth and the breuning of Welsh Nationalism, (Cardiff, University ns Wales Press, 2008).

Osmond, John, Welsh Europeans, (Seren, Bridgend, 1995).

Rawlings, Richard, Delineating Wales: Constitutional, legitimate and administrative Aspects of national Devolution, (Cardiff, University ns Wales Press, 2003).

Voir plus: Les 10 Meilleurs Robot Piscine Fond Parois Et Ligne D Eau, Robot Piscine Pour Fond Parois Et Ligne D'Eau

Royles, Elin, Revitalising Democracy: Devolution et Civil society in Wales, (Cardiff, University de Wales Press, 2007.

Williams, Raymond (ed. Daniel Williams), Who Speaks for Wales? Nation, Culture, Identity, (Cardiff, University de Wales Press, 2003).


1 Electoral outcomes from the Electoral Commission.

2 Accessed 31 October 2016

3 2016 Welsh election Study, YouGov poll, The Independent, 18 July 2016. Http:// July 2016. Accessed 31 October 2016

4 Plaid will certainly push parce que le independence à la Wales after UK voted to leave auto EU, Wales Online, 27 june 2016

5 Over the years these an extremely varied schemes oui included thé following restorations et innovations :Pontypridd Lido, Revamped railway stations,The denchères Waterfront museum in Swansea, Porthcawl Marina, Valleys city centres, Pwllheli’s national Sailing Academy, thé A465 road, Swansea University’s bay campus, Llanelly house restoration, Nant Gwrtheyrn Welsh language centre, High-tech research at Cardiff University, Jobs growth Wales, bateau energy, Under-20s rugby, Apprenticeships, Helping the long-term sick into work, Welsh-Irish partnership

6 watch from Wales: city showered with EU espèces votes à leave EU. The Guardian, 25 célibataire 2016. Https:// Accessed 31 October 2016.

7 Richard Wyn Jones, "Why did Wales shoot itself in the football in this referendum?", The Guardian, 27 célibataire 2016. Https:// Accessed 31 October 2016.

8 Joseph Rowntree Foundation, Brexit sondage explained: poverty, low skills et lack du opportunities, 31 august 2016, Accessed 31 October 2016.

10 Welsh Graduate Migration, WISERD report 2011. Http:// Accessed 31 October 2016.

11 “Why walk Wales brexit through the gift shop?” institute of Welsh Affairs, 4 July 2016. Http:// Accessed 31 October 2016.

12 “Week In, principale Out”, bbc 1 Wales, 21 July 2016. Accessed 31 October 2016.

13 Matt Jonas, "Brexit: why haricot de soja surprised?" Nat Cen société research group, 11 July 2016. Http:// Accessed 31 October 2016.

14 UK political Info, 2015 general election outcomes summary. Http:// Accessed 31 October 2016.

15 Wales Online, complete results Welsh Assembly choice 2016. Http:// Accessed 31 October 2016.

Voir plus: Registre Des Refus Don D Organe, Les Modalités Du Don D’Organes Ou De Tissus

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Moya Jones, «Wales et the brocks Vote», Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique , XXII-2|2017, mettre en la gestion le 30 mai 2017, consultant le 12 octobre 2021. URL:; DOI:

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Moya Jones

EA 2958 CEMMC, Université Bordeaux Montaigne

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